Can a President Suspend Asylum? What the Supreme Court's Decision to Hear the Case Means

Symbolic generated image: courthouse columns, the scales of justice, and law books. The image stands for the legal question at the centre of this case — not a photograph of a real hearing or any person involved in it.

On Friday, November 13, 2026, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to decide one of the most consequential questions in American immigration law: can a president suspend asylum for people who arrive at the southern border without permission? The Court did not rule on the issue itself. It agreed to hear the case, and that step alone sets up a decision that could redraw the boundary between presidential power and the asylum law Congress wrote.

In short: the justices will review a 2025 presidential proclamation that, in the administration's words, was meant to stop an "invasion" at the southern border by shutting off access to asylum. Two lower courts held that the proclamation exceeded the president's authority. The Supreme Court will now have the final word — while the suspension stays in place in the meantime.

What happened on November 13?

The case is Mullin v. Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services (RAICES), No. 26-239. Markwayne Mullin is the Secretary of Homeland Security, and RAICES is one of the immigrant legal-services groups that challenged the policy. On November 13, the Court's docket recorded that the petition for review was granted, limited to Questions 1 and 2 presented by the government. In plain terms, the Court agreed to take the case, but only on the first two legal questions the administration put to it — a routine way of narrowing the dispute before argument.

The Court is expected to hear arguments in the coming months, with a decision by the end of June, according to the Associated Press. The Associated Press and NBC News both reported that the ban has remained in place while the litigation has continued, so Friday's order does not change what happens at the border tomorrow. What it changes is the timetable: the legal uncertainty that has surrounded the policy since 2025 is now heading for a definitive answer.

It is also the third major immigration case on the Court's docket this term, the Associated Press reported, alongside cases on swift deportations to third countries and on indefinite detention while deportation proceedings are pending. That makes this term a significant one for the shape of U.S. immigration law, whatever the outcome in any single case.

The order at the centre of the case

The policy began on January 20, 2025, with a presidential proclamation, "Guaranteeing the States Protection Against Invasion." The proclamation declared that the situation at the southern border amounted to an invasion, invoked the president's authority under the Constitution and under sections 212(f) and 215(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, and stated — in its own terms — that at least eight million people had been encountered at the southern border over the previous four years.

Section 2 of the proclamation is the operative part. It restricts officials from invoking a list of provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act, including section 208 — the asylum provision, 8 U.S.C. 1158 — "until I make a finding that the invasion at the southern border has ceased." In other words, for as long as the declaration stands, the proclamation tells officials not to apply the asylum law to people covered by it.

That is a striking departure from the way asylum has worked under the statute. Since the Refugee Act of 1980, U.S. law has said that any person physically present in the United States may apply for asylum, whether or not they arrived at a designated port of entry, and that each claim is to be assessed on its own facts — including through the "credible fear" screening process Congress created for people apprehended after crossing. A grant of asylum is discretionary: the executive can deny a claim that does not meet the legal standard. What the statute has not clearly permitted, the challengers argue, is refusing to consider claims at all.

The two sides' arguments

The administration's position, as presented by Solicitor General D. John Sauer, is that the president has sweeping authority to restrict entry when he finds that it would be detrimental to U.S. interests, and that the proclamation is a lawful exercise of that authority. In the government's telling, the asylum system itself had become part of the problem: cases took years to process, many applicants were released into the United States while they waited, and the prospect of a long process encouraged further arrivals. On that view, the government should not have to accept and process applications it expects to deny, and a categorical suspension is a legitimate way to restore control at the border.

The challengers — thirteen unnamed individuals and three legal-services groups, RAICES, the Las Americas Immigrant Advocacy Center, and the Florence Immigrant and Refugee Rights Project — argue the opposite. Congress, they say, built a complete system for asylum in the Immigration and Nationality Act, including a credible-fear process, and the president may not, in the words quoted by NBC News, "invent by fiat a new removal system that eviscerates the protections Congress mandated." They also dispute the administration's factual premise: the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), which is representing the challengers with the National Immigrant Justice Center, pointed out that border crossings were already falling before the president took office. A drop in crossings, on this argument, weakens the case that an emergency suspension was needed.

Both sides, in other words, are making claims about law and about facts — about what the statute allows, and about what was actually happening at the border when the proclamation was issued. The Court will have to weigh both.

Symbolic generated image: a wooden gavel, a stack of legal documents, and a compass. The image stands for the courts' role in weighing the two sides' arguments — not a photograph of a real courtroom or any person involved in the case.

How the case reached the Supreme Court

The lawsuit was filed after the proclamation took effect. A federal judge in Washington, D.C., Judge Randolph Moss, ruled in July 2025 that the administration had gone too far. As NBC News reported, he found that nothing in the Constitution or in immigration law gives the president the authority to replace the comprehensive rules Congress set out in the Immigration and Nationality Act with a system of his own.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit agreed. In a decision dated April 24, 2026 — the date recorded on the Supreme Court docket, in case No. 25-5243 — the appeals court upheld Judge Moss's ruling, and it denied a rehearing on July 23, 2026. The administration then asked the Supreme Court to intervene, and its petition was docketed on August 24, 2026. Friday's grant is the Court's answer to that request: it will hear the case.

Two points about that history are worth keeping in mind. First, the lower courts did not rule on whether asylum policy is wise. They ruled on authority — on who gets to decide. Second, the Supreme Court's decision to hear the case is not a ruling on the merits. The justices regularly take cases to resolve a disagreement between the government and a lower court, and they can still affirm the lower courts after hearing argument.

Why this case matters beyond the border

The most immediate stakes are for people seeking asylum at the southern border. If the Court upholds the proclamation, the suspension that has been in place since 2025 could continue indefinitely — as long as the president's finding that an invasion is under way remains in place. If the Court strikes it down, the government would have to return to the system Congress created, in which each asylum claim is screened and decided on its own facts, and it would need other tools — or new legislation — to manage arrivals at the border.

The wider stakes concern the separation of powers. Section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act does give the president broad power to suspend the entry of a class of people when he finds their entry would be detrimental to U.S. interests. The question is whether that power can be used to switch off a different part of the same statute — the asylum provision — and, by extension, to set aside a process Congress designed in detail. A broad ruling for the government would strengthen presidential control over immigration. A narrow ruling for the challengers would confirm that even broad grants of executive power have limits set by the statute itself.

There is also relevant recent history. In June, in Mullin v. Al Otro Lado, the Court ruled 6-3 that the government may turn back asylum seekers at ports of entry — a practice known as "metering." That case concerned people presenting themselves at official crossings. This case is different: it concerns people who crossed elsewhere, and a policy that does not merely delay or redirect asylum claims but suspends them. How the justices distinguish — or connect — the two cases will be one of the most closely watched parts of the argument.

Finally, the case matters because it is part of a larger pattern. The first Trump administration's travel ban was upheld by the Court, and in June the Court limited lower courts' ability to block executive action nationwide in the birthright-citizenship litigation. This term, the Court is also considering the administration's power to deport people swiftly to third countries and to detain people indefinitely during deportation proceedings. Taken together, these cases are shaping how much room the executive branch has to act on immigration without Congress — and how much room courts have to check it.

Symbolic generated image: a desert border landscape at dawn, a long fence line fading into the distance, and a small paper boat beside an open book. The image stands for the human questions behind the legal dispute — not a photograph of a real place or event.

Key points

  • ✔ On November 13, 2026, the Supreme Court agreed to hear Mullin v. RAICES, No. 26-239, on whether a president can suspend asylum at the southern border.
  • ✔ The policy comes from a January 20, 2025 proclamation that restricts officials from invoking the asylum provision, 8 U.S.C. 1158, until the president finds the "invasion" has ceased.
  • ✔ A district judge ruled in July 2025 that the proclamation exceeded presidential authority; the D.C. Circuit upheld that ruling on April 24, 2026.
  • ✔ The administration argues the president's power to restrict entry covers a categorical suspension; the challengers argue Congress created a complete asylum system, including a credible-fear process, that the president cannot set aside.
  • ✔ The suspension remains in place while the case is heard; a decision is expected by the end of June.
  • ✔ In June, in Mullin v. Al Otro Lado, the Court ruled 6-3 that the government may turn back asylum seekers at ports of entry — a different question from the categorical suspension at issue here.

What to watch

  • ☐ The briefing schedule and the argument date — and which of the two questions the justices press hardest.
  • ☐ Whether the Court decides the case narrowly, on the meaning of section 212(f), or broadly, on the scope of presidential power over immigration.
  • ☐ How the justices use the June metering decision, Mullin v. Al Otro Lado, and whether they treat a suspension as different in kind from turning people back at a port of entry.
  • ☐ Statements from the Department of Homeland Security and the Justice Department, and from the ACLU and the challenger groups, as the argument approaches.
  • ☐ What happens to the suspension in the meantime, and whether Congress moves on asylum legislation while the Court deliberates.
  • ☐ The decision itself, expected by the end of June, and its reasoning — which will matter for future presidents as much as for this one.

Related reading

For another example of how a federal proposal moves through review — and how its effects are measured before it takes effect — see our explainer on the USDA's proposal to end broad-based categorical eligibility for SNAP: Would 6.3 Million People Lose SNAP Food Benefits? For a case in which an outside body, rather than a court, decides a U.S. status, see Will the US Lose Its Measles Elimination Status? What the PAHO Review Actually Decides.

Sources

All three images in this article are symbolic generated images. They do not show any person involved in the case, any real hearing, or any real border event.

Follow Daily Vitamin & Health Guide for clear, sourced explainers on U.S. issues.

This article is for general information only and is not legal advice. It summarises public court records and news reporting as of November 13, 2026, and will be updated if the Court's schedule or the policy changes.

French version: Version française de cet article

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